The Contents of the «Far Eastern Studies» N1, 2026.
Contents
Politics
Troshchinskiy P.V. Mass Organizations of New China
Ramich M.S. Erosion of the Dollar-Centric Global Financial Regime: China’s Normative Strategy and Contested Multilateralism
Kukla M.P. Russia — North Korea — South Korea Trilateral Cooperation: History and Future Prospects
Kistanov V.O. Japan and North Korea: Will There Be Normalization of Relations?
Kurmyzov A.A. The Image of President Park Chung-hee in the Historical Memory of South Korean Society
Kang Shixin. Relations between China and the Republic of Korea: From Trade Breakthrough to the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations (1979–1992)
Economics
Potapov M.A. China’s Outward Foreign Investment
Kondratov D.I. Trade, Economic and Investment Development of Russia with the Asia-Pacific Region: the Gas Aspect
State and Society
Mozebakh V.A., Reinhardt R.O. Japanese Scientific Diaspora in China Amid Sino-Japanese Competition
Theory and Methodology
Bagrov A.M., Ivanchenko N.V., Kostyrkin A.V., Kudakaev R.F., Markin A.A., Mokretsky A.Ch. On Digital Tools for the Analysis of Northeast Asian Countries’ Media
History
Ye Fan. Chinese Graduates of KUTV and the Formation of the CPC’s Ideological and Political Education System
Novikov K.O. The Jeju Uprising: A Perspective through South Korean History Textbooks
Culture
Wang Kailong. Ballet in the Soviet-Chinese Cultural Exchange 1949–1966
Book Reviews
Samoylov N.A. Book Review: Nazemtseva E.N. The Political and Legal Status of Russian Emigrants in China in the Context of Soviet-Chinese Relations (1920–1949) / Ed. by A.I. Kobzev. Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2024. 676 p.
Potapov M.A. Chinese Reform through the Eyes of Sinologist. Book Review: Ostrovsky A.V. Chinese Economic Reform from a Close Distance: How Economic Reform Was Carried Out in Various Provinces of China. Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences; MBA Publishing House, 2025. 364 p.
Table of Correspondence Between Archival and Current Digital Object Identifiers (DOI) of The Journal Issues for 2025
Mass Organizations of New China
Pavel V. Troshchinskiy
This study examines mass organizations in the People’s Republic of China—a distinct institutional phenomenon that differs fundamentally from their Russian counterparts. Legally and in practice, these entities are not public or civil society organizations; rather, they are established by and remain under the comprehensive control of the Communist Party of China (CPC). While receiving full or partial government funding, they also generate income through membership dues. Their activities strictly follow CPC policy guidelines: they actively participate in socially significant initiatives but refrain entirely from any actions that might oppose or contradict the Party’s objectives.
Unlike conventional non-governmental organizations, Chinese mass organizations do not undergo standard registration procedures under civil society legislation. With the sole exception of the Trade Union Law of the PRC, their operation is not governed by dedicated statutes or codes, but instead by internal charters and, more importantly, by binding directives issued by the CPC. Leadership positions are almost exclusively held by Party members and are filled through CPC appointment decisions.
This institutional model has functioned for over seventy years and has demonstrated remarkable resilience within China’s non-Western framework of governance and political participation. Nevertheless, a critical limitation persists: the primary focus of mass organizations lies in implementing the Party’s political agenda rather than in robustly defending the rights and interests of their members. This orientation often results in a genuine disconnect—or “detachment from the masses”—that undermines their representational legitimacy. Their lack of independence justifies referring to them as “party-controlled mass organizations.”
Erosion of the Dollar-Centric Global Financial Regime: China’s Normative Strategy and Contested Multilateralism
Mirzet S. Ramich
The erosion of the dollar-centric global financial order is creating opportunities for China to enhance its role in global financial governance. The United States remains the system’s most influential actor, underpinned by its leadership in Bretton Woods institutions and the dollar’s dominance in international reserves and settlements. Acknowledging the power disparity with the U.S., China has adopted a non-confrontational strategy to reform the international financial architecture. This strategy is normative, advancing China’s principles, rules, and standards both by reforming traditional institutions and establishing parallel ones. China positions its approach, which emphasizes sovereign equality and international development, as a moral contrast to the Western liberal regime. These ideas resonate with developing nations seeking more equitable participation in global financial governance. The author concludes that the current system is characterized by «contested multilateralism,» wherein China challenges U.S. leadership from within, employing a multi-pronged strategy to reshape the global financial governance regime. At the same time, the situation is complicated by the presence of the European financial pole, which, although it does not pretend to dominate the system, acts as an important system-forming actor, simultaneously becoming a space for American-Chinese competition.
Russia — North Korea — South Korea Trilateral Cooperation: History and Future Prospects
Marina P. Kukla
Trilateral interaction among Russia, the DPRK, and the Republic of Korea constitutes a complex regional format whose potential is shaped by geographic proximity and the complementarity of their economies, while its practical implementation is constrained primarily by political factors. Until 2018, trilateral cooperation among Russia, the DPRK, and the Republic of Korea was viewed mainly through the prism of three major megaprojects and remained largely within the realm of “high politics,” serving as an instrument for addressing broader foreign policy objectives. Sanctions regimes imposed on the DPRK and Russia, the deterioration of inter-Korean relations, and negative perceptions in the Republic of Korea of the rapprochement between Russia and the DPRK have significantly slowed even discussions of trilateral projects. At the same time, relations between Russia and the states of the Korean Peninsula, beginning in the 1990s, have demonstrated pronounced cyclicality and susceptibility to abrupt transformations, which underscores the importance of analyzing previous trilateral initiatives and identifying potential areas of convergence. At present, economic preconditions for cooperation—formed as early as the 1990s and linked to the need to develop logistical connectivity and coastal regions—remain in place. These are complemented by shared interests across all three countries in business and the real sector of the economy, growing needs in agricultural development, and a common aspiration to reduce dependence on China. To date, Russia has made the most substantial material contribution to trilateral formats, primarily through the Khasan—Rajin project, and may further strengthen its geopolitical influence through the project’s continued development. At the same time, the current administration of the Republic of Korea has expressed its intention to revitalize inter-Korean relations, the successful implementation of which may largely depend on Russia’s position and practical involvement. In this context, the stance of the DPRK represents a constraining, though not unequivocally negative, factor in the development of trilateral cooperation.
Japan and North Korea: Will There Be Normalization of Relations?
Valerii O. Kistanov
The DPRK’s nuclear missile potential is one of the most difficult issues of international life on the Korean peninsula and the main obstacle to the normalization of relations between the republic and Japan. Currently, this potential is considered a threat to its security not only in neighboring South Korea and Japan, but also in the United States located on the other side of the Pacific Ocean. Japan, which has no diplomatic relations with North Korea, holds the most irreconcilable position on the nuclear missile problem. Along with China and Russia, North Korea is officially elevated to the rank of one of the main challenges to its security in Japan’s doctrinal documents on foreign policy and defense.
Japan is stubbornly striving for the complete and unconditional denuclearization of the DPRK. At the same time, Tokyo is not going to abandon the solution of the problem of the Japanese abducted by the special services of North Korea in the last century, closely linking it with the problem of Pyongyang’s nuclear missile potential.
With regard to North Korea, Tokyo is coordinating its policy with Washington and Seoul in order to eliminate North Korea’s nuclear missile potential. The Japan-USA-South Korea triangle, which was institutionalized at Camp David in 2023, will remain the center of coordination of such efforts for the coming years.
The main instrument of «containing» North Korea, along with economic sanctions, is the joint military exercises of the United States, South Korea and Japan in the area of the Korean peninsula. At the same time, Japan is building up its own military potential under the pretext of leveling the «threat» to its security from North Korea, China, and Russia.
The DPRK does not intend to give up its nuclear missile potential, considering it as a guarantor of its own security. Pyongyang will maintain its policy of strengthening and improving it for the foreseeable future. This will happen in the context of the growing coordination of military-political cooperation within the framework of the North Korea-China-Russia triangle, which will strengthen Pyongyang’s position in possible negotiations on the issue of its nuclear missile potential with Washington, as well as in confrontation with Seoul and Tokyo. Normalization of relations between Japan and the DPRK lies somewhere beyond the visible line of the international political horizon.
The Image of President Park Chung-hee in the Historical Memory of South Korean Society
Aleksandr A. Kurmyzov
President Park Chung-hee remains one of the most discussed political figures in South Korea in the XXth century. This article analyzes the main approaches to representation of the image of Park Chung-hee in South Korea from the late 1990s to the early 2020s, as well as the related debates and memorial conflicts. The sources used are mainly materials from the South Korean media and data from sociological surveys. The financial crisis of 1997 and the dissatisfaction of a part of society with the policies of the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun administrations led to the emergence of the «Park Chung-hee sindrom», i.e. a significant increase in the popularity of this leader. The conservative administration of Lee Myung-bak, attempted to memorialize Park at the state level. The rise to power of Park Chung-hee’s daughter, Park Geun-hye, was also largely a result of this popularity. At the same time, dissatisfaction with the activities of the Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye administrations led to a gradual decline in support for Park Chung-hee and an increase in the popularity of progressive president Roh Moo-hyun. The author comes to the conclusion that South Korean society has not yet developed a unified attitude towards his activities; it is divided into his apologists and opponents. Conservatives create an image of an ideal leader, a statesman and a defender of Korea’s interests, omitting or justifying his negative actions. Park Chung-hee’s opponents from the progressive camp view him as a brutal dictator and pro-Japanese collaborator. Park Chung-hee remains not only a historical figure but also a political symbol in modern-day South Korea.
Relations between China and the Republic of Korea: From Trade Breakthrough to the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations (1979–1992)
Kang Shixin
This article systematically analyzes the normalization of China-ROK relations from 1979 to 1992, tracing the shift from mutual isolation to full diplomatic recognition. It highlights how trade and economic interaction served as a catalyst for political rapprochement, leading to the establishment of diplomatic relations. The study identifies the weakening bipolar Cold War structure, growing economic complementarity, and the pragmatic policies of both nations as key drivers of this process. A critical step was the mutual opening of trade offices in 1991, which laid the groundwork for final recognition. The signing of the Joint Communiqué on August 24, 1992 — which skillfully handled sensitive issues involving the DPRK and the Taiwan region — marked the culmination of normalization. The relationship evolved in three phases: prioritizing economic cooperation, interaction between economics and politics, and official diplomatic establishment. This progression had a profound impact on the regional and global political economy, exemplifying an innovative model of gradual rapprochement through economic engagement. The historical significance of this normalization is threefold: bilaterally, it helped China overcome the Western blockade post — 1989, achieving normalized relations with all Northeast Asian states, while the Republic of Korea, through its “Northern Policy”, enhanced its geopolitical standing. Regionally, it stimulated cooperation in Northeast Asia. In the global context, it offered a model for post-Cold War interaction and held historical significance for the emerging Asia-Pacific political order.
China’s Outward Foreign Investment
Maxim A. Potapov
The article provides a general overview of the dynamics of China’s outward direct investment (ODI) over the years of reform, including an analysis of its geographical and industry structure. A distinctive feature of Chinese investment abroad is the predominant share of Hong Kong and Latin American offshore territories in the geographic distribution of ODI. China’s overseas investment process within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is examined in detail. The significance of foreign investment for the development of the Chinese economy is assessed.
It is noted that China remains a major global foreign investor, demonstrating growth in capital investment in BRI member countries, high-tech sectors, infrastructure, and construction projects.
The author emphasizes that China’s ODI is not aimed at short-term profit maximization, but rather at developing new global market segments; increasing commodity exports and creating corresponding distribution networks; moving manufactured products up value chains, including to overcome trade barriers; transferring some of the excess, obsolete capacity of industries that are less competitive on the global market to other countries with lower costs and higher demand for manufactured products; and ensuring the supply of strategic mineral raw materials, energy resources, essential materials, and components.
The author believes that the further expansion of China’s outward direct investment will largely depend on national regulation within the framework of China’s domestic economic policy, the progress of implementing the Belt and Road Initiative, and the policies of developed countries, particularly the United States, toward Chinese investment.
Trade, Economic and Investment Development of Russia with the Asia-Pacific Region: the Gas Aspect
Dmitrii I. Kondratov
The sanctions policy pursued by Western countries against the Russian Federation has led to an intensification of ties with Asian states — excluding the post-Soviet space — including through the expansion of supplies not only of crude oil but also of natural gas.
Given the shortage of blue fuel to meet the needs of their domestic markets, APR countries are interested in increasing gas supplies from Russia. Primary demand will be concentrated not only in China and India but also in ASEAN. According to estimates by the Institute of Energy Economics, Japan, by 2050, gas demand in ASEAN is projected to rise by 404.0 billion m3, reaching 5750 billion m3 — particularly in Indonesia, where it is expected to grow from 2 570 billion m3 to 3 070 billion m3 — whereas in China and India, demand is forecast to increase by 1 810 billion m3, reaching 6 200 billion m3.
The main drivers of this growth will include government policies aimed at substituting coal with gas, state incentives to expand the use of gas as motor fuel, favorable macroeconomic factors — including relatively high GDP growth rates — and declining poverty levels in low- and middle-income countries.
This article examines the transformation processes shaping key development trends in the Asian gas market, as well as Russia’s cooperation with the Asia-Pacific region in the supply of both pipeline gas and LNG. The author argues that, in the long term, the most promising avenue for expanding exports may lie in increasing LNG supplies, particularly to ASEAN countries. However, to scale up exports of this type of gas, Russia must address a critical challenge: the construction of LNG carriers under the Russian flag.
Japanese Scientific Diaspora in China Amid Sino-Japanese Competition
Vladimir A. Mozebakh
Roman O. Reinhardt
The article is an inquiry into the functioning of the Japanese scientific diaspora in the People’s Republic of China that is currently luring foreign researchers by ample career and financial incentives, while the Japanese research sector is experiencing numerous structural problems, including underfinancing, lack of tenured positions and other difficulties. The authors gathered fragmented statistical data on the headcount of Japanese researchers residing in China and identified the motives for emigration to the PRC based on interviews with experts. The analysis reveals that the inability to secure acceptable opportunities inside their home country is the primary migration factor for Japanese researchers, albeit they are prepared to return should domestic circumstances allow. Meanwhile, the Japanese government perceives researchers’ emigration to China, widely regarded to be Japan’s main regional competitor, as a source of information leakage and thus a national security threat. Therefore, Japan is tightening scrutiny of financial sources of research projects and pressing academic institutions to ensure transparency and accountability of their personnel’s work. Such approach can be attributed to similar measures undertaken by the US to investigate the activities of scientists who have ties to China. The authors conclude that, given quite a negative political background of bilateral ties with China, the Japanese scientific diaspora in the PRC will further shrink, the said process induced by a number of cases where researchers, who used to participate in Chinese talent plans, have been persecuted.
On Digital Tools for the Analysis of Northeast Asian Countries’ Media
Alexander M. Bagrov
Nadezhda V. Ivanchenko
Alexander V. Kostyrkin
Rodion F. Kudakaev
Alexander A. Markin
Alexander Ch. Mokretsky
In the context of the growing volume of published news content in the countries of Northeast Asia, there is an increasing need for tools that enable prompt and high-quality analysis. Of particular relevance is the task of overcoming language barriers and ensuring access to primary information sources in Chinese, Japanese, and other languages.
The aim of this study was to develop an intelligent system for analyzing Chinese media based on the modern Retrieval-Augmented Generation (RAG) technology. This technology combines the generative capabilities of large language models with mechanisms for retrieving relevant information from specialized databases, significantly improving the accuracy and informational value of generated responses.
As part of the project, an intelligent assistant was created that is capable of answering users’ current questions by relying both on up-to-date online materials and on a specialized database provided by the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. To prepare data for processing, a text preprocessing module based on a language model was implemented, which increased the accuracy and relevance of responses. A modern neural network architecture was used as the core model, enabling the generation of informative responses without censorship limitations. For user convenience, a web interface was developed to provide interactive access to the assistant. The final stage involved containerized deployment of the solution, ensuring stable operation and ease of use across different environments.
Experimental evaluation demonstrated the high effectiveness of the developed system in information retrieval tasks and in generating analytical responses to user queries. The system has been successfully deployed and is available for public use, with plans for its integration into the information infrastructure of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences.
Chinese Graduates of KUTV and the Formation of the CPC’s Ideological and Political Education System
Ye Fan
The Communist University of the Toilers of the East (KUTV) served as a crucial base for training revolutionary cadres for the young Communist Party of China (CPC) during the period 1921–1928, effectively functioning as the CPC’s first “higher party school”. Cadres who studied Marxism-Leninism and gained Soviet experience at KUTV (such as Liu Shaoqi, Luo Yinong, Zhao Shiyan, and others), upon returning to China, founded the initial party schools in Anyuan, Guangzhou, Beijing, and Shanghai. They transmitted the unique KUTV educational model, which integrated theory, practice, and party discipline training. It was precisely these first party schools, built upon the KUTV experience, that laid the foundational cornerstone of the CPC’s cadre education system and ensured the “reproduction” of revolutionary cadres. The activities of the university’s graduates were characterized not by blind copying, but by an active reinterpretation of Soviet pedagogical experience within the context of the Chinese revolution’s tasks. The main emphasis of their work was on synthesizing Marxist-Leninist theory with Chinese realities, which allowed them not merely to borrow, but to creatively develop the theoretical heritage, infusing it with new content relevant to China. The research is based on a comprehensive analysis of historical documents (collections of CPC documents, materials on party schools in various Chinese localities), archival data from the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), memoirs of participants, and specialized scholarly literature by Russian and Chinese researchers. The study fills an academic gap concerning the influence of the KUTV pedagogical concept on the formation of the CPC’s ideological and political education system. It demonstrates the process of adapting Soviet experience to Chinese realities and proves the key role of KUTV graduates in transforming Marxist education from an “exotic import” into a “Chinese format”. The historical experience of KUTV laid the groundwork for the subsequent development of CPC party education, including the Jinggangshan and Yan’an periods, and holds significant scholarly value for studying the processes of the “Sinification” of Marxism-Leninism.
The Jeju uprising: A Perspective through South Korean History Textbooks
Kirill O. Novikov
The article analyzes the Jeju Island uprising (the April 3, 1948 incident) through the lens of South Korean history textbooks. The study demonstrates how the interpretation of this pivotal episode of modern history has changed over decades, directly depending on the political climate and state-led historical policy.
The author traces in detail the evolution of the narrative: from complete omission in the 1950s to portraying the uprising as a North Korea-inspired «communist rebellion» during the era of authoritarian regimes. Particular attention is paid to the turning point — the 2003 publication of the official report by the Committee for the Investigation and Rehabilitation of Victims, which fundamentally altered the official assessment of the events. The article provides a detailed analysis of how this led to a paradigm shift in textbooks: the uprising began to be interpreted as a spontaneous popular protest against the unfair policies of the central authorities and the brutality of right-wing radical groups, in which the local branch of the Workers’ Party only became involved later.
The research also examines the current situation, noting that despite the dominance of the 2003 report-based interpretation in approved textbooks, the historical debate is not settled. It shows how conservative forces, particularly the «New Right» movement, continue attempts to promote alternative interpretations through their own educational materials and public polemics. Thus, the article reveals the Jeju uprising not only as a historical event but also as a focal point in the battle over memory among elites in the Republic of Korea.
Ballet in the Soviet-Chinese Cultural Exchange 1949–1966
Wang Kailong
Between 1949 and 1966, ballet played an important role in Sino-Soviet cultural exchanges. This study takes ballet as its entry point and employs a comprehensive approach, drawing on Russian state archives, Chinese archives, contemporary newspapers, and memoirs, to examine the process of Soviet ballet dissemination in China and its practical function within Sino-Soviet cultural diplomacy.
The study shows that Soviet ballet did not enter China as a fragmented or isolated artistic input. Instead, under the framework of bilateral cultural cooperation, it was systematically introduced through expert dispatch, institutional development, and touring performances, continuously contributing to the formation and development of China’s ballet education and creative system. In this process, ballet was explicitly incorporated into state celebrations and international cultural exchange events.
The performances of Soviet ballet troupes in China, together with the attendance of leaders from both countries, transformed ballet into an important cultural symbol that demonstrated political friendship and cultural cooperation between the USSR and China. At the same time, the Chinese dance community, by absorbing Soviet ballet teaching methods and stage standards, gradually explored ways to integrate national themes with the language of ballet. Works such as The Fisher Girl exemplify the reinterpretation and localized development of Soviet ballet in the Chinese context.
This case demonstrates the concrete forms of cultural interaction within the socialist bloc during the Cold War, showing that Soviet cultural export was not a simple one-way transmission but developed through interaction with the cultural practices of the receiving side, resulting in sustained influence. It provides an important historical reference for understanding the practical implementation of Soviet foreign cultural policy.