The Contents of the «Far Eastern Studies» N5, 2026.
Contents
Politics
Zavidovskaya E.A., Groza M.A. «Austronesian Turn»: How the Politics affect the Formation of the New Taiwan`s Identity.
Zuenko I.Yu. The Concept of “Cultural Confidence” in the Context of China’s Foreign Policy
Davydov Z.V., Sinenko I.Yu. The Impact of Political Risks on the Functioning of the Transport and Logistics System of Northeast Asia
Economics
Kochegurov D.A. US–Taiwan Relations under the Trump 2.0 Administration
Leksyutina Ya.V. China’s Interests and Role in the Development of Container Shipping along the Northern Sea Route
State and Society
Vinogrodskaya V.B. “Words of the Year” as Lexicographic Reflection in the PRC
Zaklyazminskaya E.O. China in the Digital Communications of the RIC Countries: A Strategic-Cultural Dimension
Lutsenko V.S., Safonova M.S., Solovyov A.V. South Korean Minilateralism: Discourse and Practice
History
Grishina D.E., Shugaeva A.A. Political Initiatives of Chun Doo-hwan: Ways to Legitimize and Maintain the Stability of the Regime (1980–1988)
Military Build-Up
Samokhin Yu.A. The Evolution of Japan’s Cooperation with ASEAN Countries in the Field of Maritime Security in 2012–2026
Education
He Mingjun. Institutionalization of Russian-Chinese Educational Cooperation and Its Significance for Bilateral Relations: In the Context of the “Years of Education”
Russian Sinology
Yue Qiang. Historical-Institutional Evolution of Chinese Area Studies and a Comparative Analysis with Classical Russian Sinology
Book Review
Kolotov V.N. Book Review: Mazyrin V.M. On the Path of Progress: Vietnam in the 21st Century. Articles of Different Years: in 2 vols. Moscow: ICCA RAS, 2026
Scholar Jubilee
Anniversary of Professor S.G. Luzyanin: From Siberian Roots to the Vocation of an Orientalist
Politics
«Austronesian Turn»: How the Politics affect the Formation of the New Taiwan`s Identity
Ekaterina A. Zavidovskaya
Maksim A. Groza
Along with the democratization initiated in the late 1980s in the Republic of China in Taiwan there started a process of searching for a new local identity with debates concerning the rights of the aboriginal groups and their role in the history of the island becoming an integral part of this process. Currently 16 officially acknowledged indigene ethnic groups live in Taiwan and occupy 2,3% of the total population, they belong to the Austronesian language family. In early 1990s the authorities initiated the “southbound policy” aiming at strengthening Taiwan`s ties with the states of the South-East Asia and the Pacific in order to weaken dependency on mainland China. The policy conducted by the Progressive Democratic Party in the cause of over two decades since 2000 (interrupted by KMT rule during 2008–2016) has cemented local, “non-Han” identity of the major bulk of population. The paper focuses on the “Austronesian vector” of the Taiwan`s foreign policy constructed on the basis of scientific research which laid theoretical foundation for asserting the mixed blood nature of the larger bulk of population and the role of Taiwan as a crucible of the Austronesian language family. Yet “Austronesian vector” in Taiwan`s foreign policy, quite understandable in the light of the growing cross-strait tensions, hardly resonates with the fact of the much more intense business and personal ties with China, besides the idea of “Austronesian unity” is not interpreted by the Pacific partners similarly to the vision projected by Taiwan.
The Concept of “Cultural Confidence” in the Context of China’s Foreign Policy
Ivan Yu. Zuenko
The article examines the concept of “cultural confidence” in contemporary China and its implications for the perception of foreign cultural heritage and China—Russia relations. The relevance of the study is determined by the growing importance of this concept in China’s official discourse, where it is associated with national identity, cultural agency, and the independent path of Chinese development. The article considers cultural confidence as the result of a mutually reinforcing interaction between state ideological policy and broader social processes, including growing interest in Chinese civilization, traditional culture, and historical memory. Particular attention is paid to changing attitudes toward foreign cultural heritage, with a focus on Russian cultural heritage in China, especially in Harbin. The study demonstrates that the strengthening of cultural confidence does not necessarily result in the displacement of foreign heritage. Rather, it may contribute to its reinterpretation and incorporation into contemporary Chinese cultural and regional narratives. The foreign-policy significance of this process lies in China’s growing capacity to independently produce and promote cultural and political narratives. For Russia, this creates both opportunities for cooperation based on civilizational diversity and challenges associated with a potential increase in discursive asymmetry. The article concludes that the strengthening of China’s cultural confidence makes it increasingly important for Russia to maintain its own cultural agency and foreign-policy subjectivity in relations with China.
The Impact of Political Risks on the Functioning of the Transport and Logistics System of Northeast Asia
Zakhar V. Davydov
Ilya Yu. Sinenko
This article analyzes the impact of current political risks on the Northeast Asia transport and logistics system. This region connects the Pacific with Eurasia and the Indian Ocean, and is home to major global manufacturing centers and a significant portion of the world’s container fleet. Therefore, the Northeast Asia transport system is crucial to the modern global transport and logistics network. The article examines the direct and indirect effects of risks on routes and infrastructure for individual countries and territories, as well as for the region as a whole. This approach allows us to distinguish between threats directly affecting Russian routes and cargo bases and threats affecting the logistics of China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Taiwan Province, European countries and the United States. Particular attention is paid to sanctions restrictions, risks in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea, the situation on the Korean Peninsula, vulnerabilities in Russian-Chinese border infrastructure, and shipping crises in the Middle East, which impact transportation costs for regional carriers. The impact of intensifying bloc confrontation in the Asia-Pacific region on transportation flows is examined, as well as the factor of domestic political changes. It is revealed that while political threats in the form of sanctions create direct costs for Russia, the risks of escalation in key geographical locations are indirect and, under certain conditions, can increase demand for alternative Eurasian routes. This fact may even intensify Russia’s participation in regional processes. The findings can be used in formulating short- and medium-term forecasts for the development of the transport and logistics system in Northeast Asia.
Economics
US–Taiwan Relations under the Trump 2.0 Administration
Dmitry A. Kochegurov
The article examines US-Taiwan relations under the administration of D. Trump, specifically Taiwan’s role in development of American chip industry and the future of the military-political alliance. With the intensification of global rivalry between USA and China Taiwan’s role has grown significantly. Taiwan is becoming increasingly important for USA as the balance of power in East Asia shifts. At the same time, the administration of D. Trump has continued its course on restoring domestic chip production and reducing technological dependence on Taiwan, that is critical to US national security. Cooperation with leading Taiwanese companies, primarily TSMC, is seen as the milestone for development of US semiconductor industry. However, behind Taipei’s promises to promote the revival of US chip industry lie concerns about Washington’s ultimate goals and potential rebalancing of global chip supply chain for the island’s security. D. Trump’s position on Taiwan remains ambiguous. Yet, for USA Taiwan is key instrument for containing China in the context of Cold War 2.0. Taiwan is located in critical location of the first island chain, forming central link in the network of US allies. The increase of US military and technical assistance to Taiwan in the end of D. Trump’s first year in office indicates that strengthening the island’s defense capabilities remains the priority for the White House, despite the ongoing disagreements over relocation of chip production.
China’s Interests and Role in the Development of Container Shipping along the Northern Sea Route
Yana V. Leksyutina
The article aims to identify and explore the specifics of China’s contemporary interests in developing container shipping along the Northern Sea Route (NSR), as well as to trace a chronology and characterize Russia-China cooperation in the commercial exploitation of the NSR. At the current stage of NSR shipping development, China is the only foreign country to have launched regular container service. In 2023, container shipping along the NSR between Chinese and Russian ports was launched, followed by container transit service between China and Europe in 2025. Regular container liner routes are already operating between China and Russia, and China and Europe, and an increasing number of Chinese shipping companies are becoming involved in the exploitation of the NSR. However, China’s involvement in transforming the NSR into a new transport route, complementing the complex network of Eurasian transport and logistics corridors, can hardly be characterized as spontaneous or hasty. On the contrary, it was methodical, based on a multi-factor assessment of opportunities, risks, and challenges, and on the gradual accumulation of NSR navigation experience by Chinese shipping companies through experimental voyages. And, on the other hand, it was also dependent on geopolitical circumstances. Now, amid growing geopolitical competition between the US and China, Beijing views the NSR, increasingly metaphorically referred to in China as the “golden waterway”, not only as an economically viable route that saves distance, time, and transportation costs, and reduces its carbon footprint, but also as a mechanism for diversifying trade routes, representing a strategic choice in China’s long-term trade planning and the security of global supply chains.
State and Society
“Words of the Year” as Lexicographic Reflection in the PRC
Veronika B. Vinogrodskaya
The article examines the diversity of the “words of the year” variations in the PRC, including “annual language inventories”, lists and rankings of “buzzwords”, popular words and expressions, “keywords”, internet slang, neologisms, and thematic memes, all of which are perceived as a mirror of social life. Against the backdrop of evolving media formats, the study traces the emergence and proliferation of such practices for selecting popular words of the year within the information space—ranging from national-level events to campaigns by major internet platforms and personal words of the year. The paper presents both official projects — such as the “Chinese language inventory” (汉语盘点, since 2006), lists by the Yaowen Jiaozi / Bite the Words magazine (咬文嚼字, since 2008), and the Language and Writing Weekly (语言文字周报, since 2019) — as well as variations within major social networks and mobile applications. A comparison is drawn with similar events and processes in Western countries, Japan, and Russia. By the late 2010s, these practices in the PRC had become customary and highly anticipated, taking on the definitive shape of a “linguistic custom” and forming a unified space of lexicographical reflection. This space is built on shared premises and similar procedures while remaining open to innovation, expansion, and intensification. In recent years, the number of selected expressions has continued to grow, alongside an increasing diversity of categories and a rising number of organizations conducting relevant events. Furthermore, there is a growing number of internet users participating in voting and discussing the results.
China in the Digital Communications of the RIC Countries: A Strategic-Cultural Dimension
Ekaterina O. Zaklyazminskaya
The article examines the main aspects of China’s digital communications in their relation to the state’s strategic culture. The key concepts — “digital communication”, “digital diplomacy”, “digital narratives” and “strategic culture” — are identified, along with their perception in Chinese academic and political discourse. An assessment of China’s digital “maturity” is provided, as well as a comparative analysis of the digital institutions of the RIC countries. The key areas of state regulation of digital communications are analysed, along with China’s achievements and challenges in establishing digital dialogue and conducting digital diplomacy in other countries around the world.
The conclusions of the study include the following. Firstly, the terminological system related to digital communications demonstrates continuity with the Western research framework, while a number of concepts remain insufficiently elaborated. Secondly, China demonstrates a high level of digital “maturity”, but is not an unequivocal leader among the RIC countries. Thirdly, the “Qinglang” campaign to cleanse internet content appears justified in terms of preserving and upholding socialist values and the highly moral image of the Chinese state. Fourthly, difficulties persist in establishing digital dialogue with Western countries, as well as a certain wariness among the states of the Belt and Road Initiative, driven by concerns about the strengthening of Chinese discursive influence.
Nevertheless, China’s global efforts to bridge the “digital divide” and establish a system of “digital inclusion”, its support for UN initiatives in the field of global AI governance, the establishment of the World AI Cooperation Organization, as well as its work on creating a “digital civilisation” with the potential to transition into a “global digital civilisation”, confirm Beijing’s ambition to enhance the dissemination of its own “digital narratives” both domestically and abroad.
In the RIC countries, China’s digital communications are currently implemented in the format of bilateral digital dialogue or through non-Western institutions such as the SCO and BRICS. However, with the growing conflictual stance of Western states towards the RIC countries, the situation is likely to change rapidly.
South Korean Minilateralism: Discourse and Practice
Vera S. Lutsenko
Mariia S. Safonova
Alexander V. Solovyov
In recent years, international relations theorists have been paying increasing attention to the problems of minilateralism — a specific format of a limited partnership cooperation characterized by broad functional interaction and, at the same time, informality (i.e., relatively low institutional formalization). Within the framework of Gearóid Ó Tuathail’s critical geopolitics, minilateral international interactions can be presented as a description of the geopolitical space in which these interactions take place. These descriptions are formed at three levels of discourse: practical (i.e., at the level of those who make and implement political decisions), formal (expert-academic), and popular (in mass culture and the media). The characteristics of this discourse are determined by the specific national and cultural context. The Republic of Korea is one of the active participants in “minilateral diplomacy.”
After analyzing the formal and popular levels of discourse, we compared the results with Seoul’s foreign policy practices. The study revealed the distinctive features of South Korea’s national approach to minilateralism, which is consistently linked to the concepts of middle power status and strategic autonomy. We were able to identify and explain the differences in the perception of minilateralism in formal and popular discourse, which can be explained by both methodological and political reasons. We emphasize the pragmatic interpretation of minilateral cooperation and the low theoretical rigor, which allows for the rather arbitrary selection of certain aspects of this internally contradictory model to justify certain foreign policy decisions (both real and recommended).
The study formulates and confirms the thesis of the “intermediate” nature of minilateral relations, which tend to evolve into more formal alliances (especially in the field of security). The conclusion discusses minilateral prospects of the Republic of Korea, taking into account the dynamics of the regional and global international structure.
History
Political Initiatives of Chun Doo-hwan: Ways to Legitimize and Maintain the Stability of the Regime (1980–1988)
Daria E. Grishina
Anastasiia A. Shugaeva
The beginning of the civilian rule of the fifth President of the Republic of Korea, Chun Doo-hwan (1980–1988), who initially came to power through a coup d’état in late 1979, was marked by protests and acts of civil disobedience in the city of Gwangju in May 1980, which were violently suppressed by the regular South Korean army. However, despite these tragic events, Chun Doo-hwan’s administration managed to quickly stabilize the situation in the country, defusing social tensions among its residents, thereby legitimizing its rule.
To determine the factors that ensured Chun Doo-hwan’s successful seven-year-long presidency, despite the tragic circumstances that surrounded the beginning of his reign, this article conducts a step-by-step analysis of his administration’s initiatives in state, both civil and economic, and foreign policies. This approach allows us to identify, analyze, and evaluate the key characteristics and elements of President Chun’s reformist and diplomatic policies that contributed to maintaining stability of his regime.
Military Build-Up
The Evolution of Japan’s Cooperation with ASEAN Countries in the Field of Maritime Security in 2012–2026
Yuri A. Samokhin
The period from 2012 to 2026 marked a qualitatively new stage in the development of Japan–ASEAN maritime security cooperation against the backdrop of escalating tensions in the South China Sea and China’s growing assertiveness. This article seeks to analyze the evolution of Japan’s cooperation with ASEAN countries, examining its key stages, institutional mechanisms, and practical outcomes that enabled the construction of a strategic partnership in the field of maritime security. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the “Proactive Contribution to Peace” concept, legislative security reforms, the “Vientiane Vision” initiative, and the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” concept. Japan’s growing involvement in regional processes was closely linked to the need to contain China and adjust the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region. At the same time, throughout the whole period each expansion of cooperation tended to follow a fresh episode of tension related to China’s actions. The author concludes that over the period Japan has transformed from just an economic donor into a contributor to maritime security in the region yet still remaining reactive and operating within the framework of a U.S.-centered regional security architecture.
Education
Institutionalization of Russian-Chinese Educational Cooperation and Its Significance for Bilateral Relations: In the Context of the “Years of Education”
He Mingjun
The article analyzes the shift of Russian-Chinese educational cooperation away from a project-based model, oriented mainly toward individual exchanges, toward a more stable, organizationally structured and multi-level model. The topic’s relevance stems from the 2026–2027 cross-Years of Russian-Chinese Cooperation in Education, the tenth interstate cross-year project between the two countries. The article aims to explain why Russian-Chinese educational cooperation is acquiring features of institutionalization, through which specific channels this process is realized, and how it affects bilateral relations. The analytical framework rests on three levels: organizational-institutional mechanisms — personnel-training mechanisms — network mechanisms, examined in connection with the resilience of bilateral relations. The article shows that institutionalization is expressed not simply in a growing number of projects, but in a structural change in the organizational forms, content and functions of cooperation. The 2026–2027 Years of Education are treated not as a starting point but as a node of consolidation for mechanisms that had already taken shape — a reading confirmed, in particular, by public statements from the Chinese side about cooperation moving “from a project-based form to a mechanism.” Because the process is not yet complete, the article’s conclusions are preliminary.
Russian Sinology
Historical-Institutional Evolution of Chinese Area Studies and a Comparative Analysis with Classical Russian Sinology
Yue Qiang
Drawing on historical-documentary and comparative-institutional approaches, this article traces the evolution of Chinese area studies from 1950 to 2025 and compares it with classical Russian sinology. Three key stages are identified: the establishment of state research centres in the 1950s–1960s, the accumulation of interdisciplinary potential during the reform and opening-up period (1978–2012), and the institutionalisation of area studies as an independent first-level discipline with a full “Bachelor — Master — Doctor” educational vertical (2022–2025). Unlike Russian sinology, which is centred on historical philology and focuses on adjacent Eurasian territories, Chinese area studies is interdisciplinary (integrating political science, economics, law, history, and linguistics), has a global geographical scope, and features a state-sanctioned educational hierarchy. Drawing on Western theoretical frameworks (Comparative Area Studies, region as a construct, and normative localization), the study reveals structural differences in methodology, geographical priorities, and personnel training models. It also highlights the synergistic effect of combining area studies with transboundary law, which transforms the discipline from a purely academic field into a strategic tool for proactive risk management and the protection of national interests abroad. Finally, the article outlines directions for joint educational and research projects between Russian and Chinese centres in Siberia and the Russian Far East.
Book Review
Book Review: Mazyrin V.M. On the Path of Progress: Vietnam in the 21st Century. Articles of Different Years: in 2 vols. Moscow: ICCA RAS, 2026
Vladimir N. Kolotov
Scholar Jubilee