A new issue of the «Far Eastern Studies» N2, 2022 has been released [e-version].
Contents
From the editor-in-chief
Congratulations on the 50th Anniversary of the Far Eastern Studies Journal
Politics
Vinogradov A.V. Moscow-Beijing Eurasian Axis: Challenges and Levels of Engagement
Shvydko V.G. Science and Innovation Policy of the Japanese Government
Melkonyan L.A. Japan’s Approaches to International Cooperation in the Field of Cybersecurity: the Case of ASEAN
Economics
Gamza L.A. China’s Digital Silk Road
State and Society
Asmolov K.V. Presidential Elections-2022 in the Republic of Korea
Zhuravleva E.V. The Promotion of Norms and Values through Social Media Regulation: the Experience of China
View Point
Han Shiying. The Views of Chinese and Russian Experts on the Russia-China Military Alliance
Environment
Shirgazina E.R. Bhutan’s Hydropower: the Economy Sector and One of the Foundations of the State’s Foreign Policy
Russian Far East
Bardal A.B. Export of Transport Services: Russian Far East
Military Build-up
Zorikhin A.G. The Activity of Japanese Military Intelligence against the USSR in 1922–1945
History
Kazantsev A.E. The Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) and the Politics of Memory in PRC
Scientific Events
Kudakaev R.F. Annual All-Russian Conference “Modern Chinese State”
Zueva A.G., Polenova A.L., Shkatov D.E. The 26th Сonference of Russia and CIS Koreanists “Contemporary Problems of the Korean Peninsula”
Book Reviews
Panov A.N. Review of the monographic book: Problems of the historical past in Japan’s relations with neighboring countries / ed. D.V. Streltsov. Moscow: Publishing House “Aspect press”, 2022. 336 p.
Ad Memoriam
In memory of Alexander Igorevich Salitsky
Moscow-Beijing Eurasian Axis: Challenges and Levels of Engagement
Andrey V. Vinogradov
Over the 20 years that have passed since the signing of the Treaty of Friendship in June 2001, Russian-Chinese relations have become one of the key factors for global development. Despite the active opposition of the West, their importance to world politics is steadily increasing. At bilateral, regional and global levels of interaction Russia and China face serious challenges, but both states invariably manage to find effective responses to them. As the Sino-American rivalry intensifies, Russia’s role is constantly increasing. Russia and China demonstrate complementarity at bilateral economic level as well as at a global level, that allows them to meet common challenges to establishing new international order and withstand the pressure of the West. The extension of the Treaty both reaffirmed the strategic nature of the relationship and opened new areas of engagement, including ideological ones. Amid deepening contradictions and formations of new blocs in the Indo-Pacific region aimed to contain China, Russian-Chinese interaction is becoming increasingly interdependent without becoming a formal alliance. It can be described by the concept of axis, i.e. a form of close and coordinated interaction of major nations.
Science and Innovation Policy of the Japanese Government
Vitaly G. Shvydko
Japan has developed institutional infrastructure designed to exercise government support for research activities, including those in the private sector. This infrastructure includes government agencies which formulate and implement science and technology policy; a system of official plans and programs to support and fund research, as well as legal entities set up by the government to control the use of funds allocated for this purpose.
Government infrastructure facilitating research is supplemented by research and analysis units of private companies, which account for more than 80 % of total R&D expenditures. A significant role in organizing R&D belongs to universities, including associated research centers and institutes.
Legal framework for science and technology policy is provided by the Law on Science, Technology and Innovation. Goals and actual tasks of this policy are formulated in five-year «basic plans», while government’s vision of it is specified in regularly updated official “innovation strategy”. Supra-ministerial «cross-cutting» programs to support most promising research and innovation are used as a tool of science and technology policy and a part of its institutional infrastructure. Another new policy tool, apart from traditional government funding of scientific and educational institutions, is the formation of a friendly environment by eliminating intersectoral and interdepartmental barriers to information flows, setting up national databases and digital platforms for researchers.
General philosophy and main task of science and technology policy have been shifting from universal support for research with regard for official priorities, to targeted search and funding of projects promising maximum contribution to attaining long-term economic and social goals. Fostering research and innovation is increasingly seen as a key link in implementing national development strategy and economic and social policy related to it. At the same time, support is not linked to specific industries but targeted on fostering “ability to conduct research to push the boundaries of knowledge and create new value” in the form of new products and markets. The main problem for institutions stimulating research and innovation is the lack of reliable objective criteria and methods of assessing effectiveness of financial and organizational support and the quality of environment created for these activities.
Japan’s Approaches to International Cooperation in the Field of Cybersecurity:
the Case of ASEAN
Lusine A. Melkonyan
The article studies the main approaches of the Japanese state to solving problems in the field of cybersecurity through developing appropriate strategies and programs, deepening international cooperation to counter the threats of cybercrime and information security. The evolution of national strategies and international agreements in the field of cybersecurity and the dynamics of the development of key approaches to information security policy are considered.
Regarding the growth of the malicious use of cyberspace by international terrorists and cybercriminals for destructive purposes, the problem of combining international efforts in the fight against cyber-attacks on critical information infrastructure is of relevance. Japan has been subjected to cyber-attacks at the state level in the past but over the past decade, threats to government institutions have become more widespread and alarming. In pursuance of personal data and intellectual property protection, the Japanese state is strengthening its defense potential by expanding the capabilities of government agencies and the Self-Defense Forces.
Japan’s international cooperation in the field of cybersecurity is considered on the example of ASEAN, including its cooperation within the framework of the RCEP agreement, considering not only the geographical proximity with the association countries and the close economic ties with them, but also the effective interaction and extensive contacts in the field of cybersecurity as a member country of the CPTPP at the highest levels.
The author compares the RCEP and the CPTPP key approaches to the issues of cyber security and information sovereignty, identifying the main contradictions between the participants in these multilateral initiatives that unite the key players in the Asia-Pacific region, one of which is Japan.
China’s Digital Silk Road
Leonid A. Gamza
The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of China’s technologies as the main strategic component of the reform policy and the formation on this basis of a new model of the country’s development. The state and structure of China’s digital economy and the main directions of its development in the new era are considered. Using the example of the world leader in the field of advanced information and communication technologies, the global transnational company (TNC) Huawei, the state, dynamics and prospects for promoting Chinese technologies in the world in the format of building the Digital Silk Road (DSR) are shown. On the example of individual countries and regions, the state and features of the formation of regional blocks of the Digital Silk Road are considered. It is emphasized that in the context of the pandemic, the growing tightening of US sanctions and the actual blockade of the US market, the digital economy of China has become the core and basis for the formation of the DSR. The regional block of Southeast Asia, which is close to China, is dynamically developing in this direction. The countries of the Middle East and Latin America have a significant potential for cooperation. Despite the sanctions, certain opportunities and prospects remain in Europe. Africa is becoming an important strategic asset for construction of the DSR. Separately, the state of cooperation between China and Russia in the field of information and communication technologies in the context of Western sanctions, as well as the possibility of forming on this basis the Russian-Chinese Common digital community (CDC) with the prospect of its development into a single Eurasian digital space (EADC) are analyzed. Finally, it is concluded that China will continue to actively build a global DSR based on the promotion of Chinese technologies to world markets in the course of implementing the goals and objectives of the 14th Five-Year Plan.
Presidential Elections-2022 in the Republic of Korea
Konstantin V. Asmolov
The presidential race of 2022 was fought on the background of the uneasy legacy of President Moon Jae-in between the candidate of the ruling Democratic Party Lee Jae-myong and the representative of the conservatives, former Attorney General Yoon Seok-yeol. Each of the camps was represented by a person who was not a typical representative of his camp and has a difficult relationship with the «core of the party». Lee is a representative of the inner-party opposition, and not Moon’s successor. Yoon has found himself in the conservative camp after the conflict with the Blue House due to the logic of factional struggle and the absence of a third force in the politics of the Republic of Korea. Lee was called the Korean Bernie Sanders because of the promise of unconditional basic income and other social programs, and in foreign policy he promised to continue inter-Korean rapprochement. Yun had to reflect conservative discourse and advocated a tougher policy towards the DPRK, an alliance with the United States and the restoration of relations with Japan.
The elections turned out to be a record in terms of populist promises and black PR against candidates and their families. This led to a specific situation when, on the eve of the elections, both candidates had a high anti-rating and the final gap between them was less than one percent. In such a situation, the victorious Yoon Seok-yeol will have to face the split of society, the Democrats controlling the parliament, and the need to strengthen the unity of the party in the difficult international situation and internal problems.
The Promotion of Norms and Values through Social Media Regulation: the Experience of China
Eugenia V. Zhuravleva
Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic and the use of lockdowns to prevent new outbreaks in many countries, the Internet has become more actively used, various information technologies and services appeared, the role of bloggers in creating and promoting news, educational and life-style content increased. The PRC was at the forefront, where, since 2005, blogging has been actively developing in parallel with the content censoring and moderation system.
In the framework of this study, the author, using the example of Chinese opinion leaders (influencers) in the Internet, analyzes the regulation of social media in the context of promoting certain norms and values. The paper highlights and discusses the main factors (technological and economic) influencing the development of the blogosphere in China, identifies the leading bloggers on the most popular platforms, analyzes the main regulations and violations of it by the opinion leaders, as well as technological innovations in the regulation of social media.
The purpose of the study is to identify the role of influencers in the PRC in the process of promoting the norms and values and features of social media regulation. The “core socialist values” proclaimed in 2012 are considered as the main value orientations, and the possibility of relaying these values is based on the theory of the two-step communication flow by E. Katz, where, according to the author, the state or the media acts as the primary flow, and the opinion leaders are the key bloggers.
As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that during the directive regulation of social media certain value orientations are promoted in a slightly expanded version, including the visual content. Mostly public and individual values are being promoted, as well as innovative technologies are being introduced that make it possible to indirectly influence on the formation of public opinion.
The Views of Chinese and Russian Experts on the Russia-China Military Alliance
Han Shiying
As the Sino-Russian military partnership deepens, scholars from both sides have had various discussions on whether a military alliance would be formed. Most scholars believe that maintaining a partnership is the best option for both countries at present, whether out of their actual needs or national interest. However, scholars from both sides have disagreed slightly on the core issue and details.
On the Chinese side, most scholars had not discussed the possibility of establishing a military alliance until 2012, they had usually confirmed that the Chinese government is firmly committed to the non-alliance policy. Between 2012 and 2014, there was a great discussion about possibility of establishing a military alliance. Some scholars explore the preference for a non-alliance policy from the interest, theoretical and purely safety perspectives, while others illustrate the benefits of a Sino-Russian alliance through different angles, such as conflicts, external factors, relations with the US and the handling of international affairs. However, when Chinese President Xi Jinping pointed out in a speech in 2015 that the two countries “should be partners and not allies”, Chinese scholars again placed non-alliance at the core of Sino-Russian relations. While Russian scholars are also inclined towards the non-alliance theory, there is another argument: Sino-Russian alliance could be a possible option.
This conclusion is mainly based on the two countries’ different understanding on foreign policy and alliance formation. China have always adhered to an independent, stable and sustained foreign policy, maintaining partnerships with all countries but forming alliances with none. While also adopting an independent and practical foreign policy, Russia has alliances, and is more familiar with them. China and Russian have formed three alliances throughout their diplomatic history, all of which had failed and obstructed the long-term cooperation and development of the two nations. Based on the research and opinions of Chinese and Russia scholars, the best option remains a non-alliance.
Bhutan’s Hydropower: the Economy Sector and One of the Foundations of the State’s Foreign Policy
Elsa R. Shirgazina
The small Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan, located in South Asia between China and India, is constrained in the alternatives of means for development. The most optimal natural resource for exploitation is the system of mountain rivers and the energy received from them. At the same time, this sector of the country’s economy faces several development difficulties. Those often include the technical complexity of project implementation, the national debt burden, the impact of hydroelectric power plants on wildlife preserved in the Kingdom, deep dependence on New Delhi solutions and limited alternatives for partnership in the industry. The article is based on the comprehensive approach. The author explores the natural resources available to the country, the peculiarities of their use and analyzes the hydropower facilities implemented in the Kingdom, as well as those at different stages of construction. The article also studies the national regulatory and structural fundamentals of the sector’s organization in a small state. The role of hydropower in foreign trade and in ensuring the welfare of the Himalayan country is determined on the basis of actual data, as well as the conditions and main schemes of project implementation and sources of financing for energy initiatives in the country. The importance of the Bhutan’s hydropower industry in forming its foreign policy course is considered. Hydropower gave an impetus to the growth of the Kingdom’s economy, but also it determined the long-term prospects for its development.
Export of Transport Services: Russian Far East
Anna B. Bardal
The article analyzes the dynamics of the key components of the export of transport services at the national and regional levels. It is shown that despite the negative impact of restrictions during the spread of the pandemic in 2019–2020, there is an increase in the export of transport services of the Russian Federation. The growth of the indicator is due to the increase in revenues from freight transportation. The regional cross-section is presented on the example of the Russian Far East. At the macro-regional level, the share of transport in the total export of services is significantly (1.8 times) higher than the national average. The main contribution to the formation of the indicator of the macroregion is made by Primorsky Krai (7.5 %). The key seaports of the Pacific coast of Russia are located here.
Three directions for the development of the export of transport services in the Far East are presented: 1) servicing export-import flows outside the national territory, 2) transit traffic, 3) participation in the international market of transport services. For each direction, the growth opportunities and restrictions on the export of transport services were assessed. With the use of comparative analysis methods, it is argued that the most promising is the service of cargo flows of the national economy. Prospects are related, among other things, to the implementation of the Northern Sea Transport Corridor project and the formation of a system of reference seaports for Arctic routes in the macroregion. It is shown that transit traffic will not play a significant role in the growth of exports of transport services in the Far East. The negative impact of infrastructural and economic factors on the competitiveness of international transport corridors passing through the territory of the east of the country has been revealed. The limitations of the direct participation of the transport complex of the Far Eastern Federal District in the international market are argued, which include features of the structure of the economy and insufficient development of the elements of the transport complex. The results of the work can serve as a basis for developing measures to develop the export of transport services.
The Activity of Japanese Military Intelligence against the USSR in 1922–1945
Alexander G. Zorikhin
Japan’s military intelligence has been continuously working around the world since 1871, and Russia has always remained one of its main goals. After the end of the intervention in 1922, the Japanese government took a course to normalize relations with our country, in connection with which the intelligence agencies of the empire monitored the activities of the Soviet leadership to strengthen the defense and economic potential of the state and the implementation of foreign policy objectives in the Far East, without conducting subversive actions. The USSR state security agencies managed to arrange the transfer of inflated data on the state of the Red Army to the Japanese military intelligence, as the central intelligence agency of the empire, therefore, in 1923–1931, Tokyo’s military planning against our country was defensive in nature.
After the capture of Manchuria in 1932, Japan faced the Soviet Union’s buildup of its troops beyond Lake Baikal, regarding this fact as preparation for an invasion of Northeast China. Japanese intelligence intensified its activities to collect information about the intentions of the Soviet leadership and engaged in the organization of a sabotage apparatus in the event of a war with the USSR in 1937–1938, however, counter measures of the Soviet state security bodies hampered the work of the empire’s special services in our country.
After the defeat on the Khalkhin-Gol river (1939), the military-political leadership of Japan carried out a radical reorganization of the military intelligence agencies, strengthening their personnel and betting on the collection of information by technical means. Thanks to the information received from the foreign intelligence apparatus, the government of the Empire in the summer and autumn of 1941 came to the conclusion that it was inappropriate to attack the Soviet Union. The entry of the USSR into the war against militaristic Japan in 1945 drew a line under the activities of the empire’s military intelligence and became a prologue to its transition to US control.
The Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) and the Politics of Memory in PRC
Artem E. Kazantsev
The article deals with the impact of the Sino-Japanese war (1937–1945) on the politics of memory in PRC. Some events of this war, for example, the Nanjing massacre as well as the problem of comfort women are still a vital part of collective memory of Chinese. In recent years studies on Sino-Japanese war and its impact on the politics of memory in China have been constantly growing in number. Less attention has been paid to the history of the issue and its impact on foreign relations in Asia, including China-Japan relations. While work has been done on the revealing of political motives for shaping of PRC’s politics of memory, the impact of Chinese cultural characteristics on this issue has been neglected. Therefore, the historical transformation of war memories in PRC’s memory politics and above all the influence of cultural characteristics and specific worldview of Chinese on memory politics in modern China need further research. This article focuses on (1) the historical transformation of collective memory related to the Sino-Japanese war in China’s historical politics, (2) the influence of Chinese cultural peculiarities, such as “ritual thinking”, on politics of memory in China and (3) the impact of PRC’s historical politics on relations between China and Japan nowadays.